Old World Order

The Old World Order is the book’s designation for the inherited, dynastic elite identified with the 1%, the Ownership Class, and the rule of super-rich plutocrats. Its decisive significance is that it turns scattered political complaints into a single theory of power: wealth reproduces itself across generations, uses political institutions as a buffer, and recruits sections of the population to defend the system that subordinates them. The book contrasts this hereditary order with meritocracy, collective government, and the General Will, while treating Donald Trump as its most exposed political representative.

Definition and Social Structure

The Old World Order is defined as a privileged dynastic elite whose power rests on inherited wealth, ownership, and the ability to shape public life without being directly accountable to the people. In this account, the 1% are not merely affluent individuals. They form the Ownership Class, a social order committed above all to preserving its own wealth and authority. The book’s formulation is blunt: the rich are on no side except their own, while poor supporters are encouraged to believe that the wealthy share their interests.

The order is hereditary because wealth, power, and opportunity are allowed to flow through the same families. The book presents the abolition of inheritance tax as a direct project of the Old World Order because it would create a permanent hereditary caste of the super-rich. Its preferred alternative is a 100% inheritance tax, which the text treats as the simplest institutional means of preventing dynastic wealth from reproducing itself indefinitely. In that imagined alternative, meritocracy would replace inherited privilege; in the existing order, inheritance shields people from the risks and failures that supposedly define market success.

The example used most insistently is Donald Trump. The book identifies him as a multibillionaire, a member of the 1%, and an actual representative of the dynastic elite rather than merely a politician who serves it. It states that he inherited around $300 million from his father and that he began with $40 million in 1974, when he became president of his father’s real-estate company. His later business failures, including six bankruptcies, are used to challenge the image of the self-made capitalist. The point is institutional rather than personal: in a rentier economy, inherited capital and access to elite lawyers, accountants, lobbyists, public-relations specialists, and brand managers can make failure survivable while ordinary people face the tax system alone.

Political Operation

The Old World Order normally maintains a buffer between itself and the population. The conventional buffer is the political class, which can be blamed for unpopular decisions while the underlying elite remains less visible and continues accumulating wealth and influence. The book distinguishes Hillary Clinton from Donald Trump in these terms: Clinton is described as part of the political elite that serves the Old World Order, whereas Trump is presented as an actual member of it. His presidency therefore removes the customary distance between economic power and political office.

This exposure is represented as both a danger and a sign of instability. According to the book, Barack Obama was expected to restore political stability and democratic credibility but failed to do so, while Clinton would have reproduced the same arrangement rather than repairing it. The Old World Order consequently turns toward populism as an experiment. Donald Trump becomes its John Galt, the fictional hero of Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged, and his political rise is interpreted as a test of whether the elite can move from controlling democracy indirectly to weakening or abandoning democracy altogether in favor of outright plutocracy.

The book therefore treats Trump’s election not as an anti-elite revolt but as an elite strategy. His supporters may describe themselves as enemies of Washington, D.C., or Wall Street, yet placing a member of the 1% in the White House is presented as strengthening the very class they claim to oppose. The apparent insurgency becomes, in the book’s phrase, a return to far-right conservative rule founded on racism, white supremacy, and ultra-plutocracy: “The Confederacy: The Sequel.”

Instruments of Reproduction

Inheritance is the Old World Order’s most visible mechanism of continuity, but the book also locates its power in taxation, political parties, capital, and the weakening of the State. It describes two tax systems: one for corporations and the super-rich, who can purchase expert assistance, and another for ordinary people, who confront a complex and intimidating system without comparable resources. The proposed “virtual corporation” would allow ordinary people to pool subscriptions to fund lawyers, accountants, and tax specialists, thereby seeking the same advantages that large corporations already possess. Collective organization is presented as a way to stop individuals from being separated and “picked off one by one.”

The Old World Order also benefits from class division. The book argues that early predatory capitalism produced broad hostility toward the Ownership Class, but that the elite later created a middle class whose conservative members aspired to join the elite and became its managers, agents, gatekeepers, enforcers, and political collaborators. On this reasoning, the familiar opposition between the 1% and the 99% is incomplete: as many as 25% of the wider population are described as class traitors who support elite power, including supporters of the Republican Party in the United States and the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom.

This account also reframes right-wing conspiracy politics. The book says that the Illuminati oppose right-wing control of global capital and identifies the real globalist agenda not with a left-wing conspiracy but with super-rich right-wing Americans such as Donald Trump, whose form of predatory free-market capitalism permits banks and corporations to govern without election or accountability. Alex Jones is presented as an example of a conspiracy theorist who attacks an imagined left-wing elite while having no objection to a wealthy, privileged global elite. The distinction is crucial to the book’s argument: the target is not every elite in the abstract, but the economic elite that owns and directs the system.

Ideological and Historical Meaning

The book links the Old World Order to an ideology of inherited privilege, anti-meritocracy, and unrestrained capitalism. It opposes this order to Jacobin meritocracy and to a State capable of serving the General Will, the Commonwealth, and the Common Good. The American Civil War is used as a historical analogy: the Trump insurgency is associated with the Confederacy, while contemporary right-wing resistance to government is interpreted as a continuation of the struggle over whether capitalism may treat human beings as property.

In this framework, the State is one of the few forces capable of checking the Old World Order. The book argues that right wingers seek to destroy state power so that government cannot regulate capital, challenge religious authority, or intervene in the power of right-wing families. It calls for a new Lincoln who would end the Confederacy not merely as a physical entity, as Abraham Lincoln did, but as a mental and ideological one. The aim is to dismantle the belief that employers may function as masters and that capitalist employees are effectively slaves.

The same structure appears in the book’s reading of John Carpenter’s They Live. Right-wing conspiracy theorists are said to mistake the film’s aliens for Jews or the Illuminati, whereas Carpenter’s stated target is yuppie culture, Ronald Reagan, and unrestrained capitalism. The aliens therefore become an image of the super-rich as alien villains who engineer economic ruin and near-enslavement, while hidden propaganda prevents the masses from recognizing the system around them. The special sunglasses symbolize a critique of ideology: they reveal the invisible order beneath the appearance of freedom.

Science, Knowledge, and the Final Opposition

The Old World Order is not confined to finance and politics. The book also describes a scientific Ownership Class that seeks total ownership of science and unchallenged authority over how evidence is interpreted. It presents Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz and Kurt Gödel as representatives of scientific rationalism and idealism whose approaches were marginalized by a dominant scientific materialism and empiricism. The alleged conflict is therefore another struggle over institutional control: who may define legitimate knowledge, which methods count as scientific, and whether logic, deduction, mathematics, and a priori reasoning receive equal standing.

Across these arguments, the Old World Order is the book’s recurring name for a system that converts wealth into inheritance, inheritance into political influence, and political influence into the appearance of consent. Donald Trump embodies the system’s exposed face, while the middle class, right-wing parties, conspiracy narratives, taxation, and even scientific orthodoxy are treated as mechanisms that help preserve it. The proposed counterforce is equally structural: abolish dynastic inheritance, restore collective power, strengthen the State against private domination, and replace hereditary rule with meritocracy and the General Will.